Greek Literature

Si deve alla felice iniziativa di Franco Montanari se questo prezioso volume, ben noto a tutti gli studiosi di filosofia antica e di letteratura greca, è ora nuovamente disponibile, grazie alla bella ristampa curata da Montanari stesso con Enrica Salvaneschi ed edita dalle romane Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura. Pubblicato nel 1963, ma già pronto per la stampa nel 1958, questo lavoro, che per tanti aspetti costituisce un'opera unica e irripetibile, fu concepito da Giuliana Lanata -che era nata il 12 marzo 1931 -all'età di ventisette anni: un'impresa che, tenuto conto della densità del volume, dell'ampiezza del suo quadro testimoniale e, infine, e soprattutto, della sicurezza e saggezza di giudizio della sua autrice, può a buon diritto essere definita, con le parole di Montanari nella Premessa alla nuova edizione (p. vii), «del tutto stupefacente». Come tutti sanno, il volume fu pubblicato nella gloriosa e rimpianta "Biblioteca di Studi Superiori" de La Nuova Italia Editrice, come volume xliii della sezione 'Filosofia antica', diretta da Rodolfo Mondolfo e da Mario Untersteiner. Di Untersteiner Giuliana Lanata era stata allieva all'Università degli Studi di Genova, quando lo studioso vi teneva la cattedra di Letteratura greca, prima di passare alla Statale di Milano su quella di Storia della filosofia antica. La sezione 'Filosofia antica' era nata e si era strutturata su un ambizioso progetto di rifacimento dei Fragmente der Vorsokratiker di Diels-Kranz. Il progetto prevedeva una serie di nuove raccolte di frammenti e testimonianze dei singoli Presocratici -in alcuni casi di tradizioni filosofiche presocratiche: tali furono gli Ionici. Testimonianze e frammenti, a cura di Antonio Maddalena, vol. xlii, e soprattutto i tre tomi dei Pitagorici. Testimonianze e frammenti, a cura di Maria Timpanaro Cardini, voll. xxviii, xli, xlv (recentemente ristampati con il titolo Pitagorici antichi. Testimonianze e frammenti, a cura di M. Timpanaro Cardini, Introduzione di G. Reale, Bompiani, Milano 2010). Le nuove raccolte di testi dovevano essere arricchite, rispetto al Diels-Kranz, da una traduzione italiana dei testi, da un commento analitico dettagliato e aggiornato, e da ricche Bibliografie. Nella sezione 'Filosofia antica' lo stesso Untersteiner pubblicò importanti volumi destinati a costituire pietre

Over the years Van Wees (henceforth HvW) has published quite a number of papers, articles, and books on Greek warfare. Th at work finds its (temporary, I hope) peak in the book under review. In six parts, comprising some general observations elaborated in fifteen chapters, a conclusion, and three appendices, HvW guides us through the world of Greek warfare, in a wide context, from archaic times through the classical period. HvW pays attention to "the bigger picture" (p. 1), sc. to the political, social, and economic circumstances and nuances which play a part in this phenomenon. While doing so he tries to adjust many of the conventional views adhering to the frequently far too romantic view still surrounding the subject: like modern warfare Greek warfare was an ugly business, though incomparably more direct and personal than nowadays (like, e.g., also the books of Victor Davis Hanson testify). Part 1, "War and Peace", consists of three chapters: "Kinsmen, Friends and Allies: the Society of States" (pp. 6-18); "Justice, Honour and Profit: Causes and Goals of Wars" (pp. 19-33); and "Pleonexia: Structural Causes of War" (pp. 34-44). In these chapters HvW develops the view that the main motivator for war was the quest for both glory (prestige) and wealth (profit). War was a relatively easy way to acquire these assets, but this does not mean that Greek cities were in a constant state of war: there also was a sufficient number of mechanisms to check and balance potential crises and prevent them from going violent. Military prowess, and the display of its paraphernalia, played, however, an important role in societies, especially during the archaic period, and was consequently also reflected in literature. To a large extent the mentality remained unchanged, also after the archaic period: it contributed to both the continuing exclusion of women from public life and the casualness of a military career (as a mercenary) as a means of livelihood throughout history (and not just after the Peloponnesian War). Part 2, "Citizens and Soldiers", discusses the "Men of Bronze: the Myth of the Middle-Class Militia" (pp. 47-60); the "Other Warriors: Light Infantry, Cavalry, Body-servants and Mercenaries" (pp. 61-76); and "Politics and the Battlefield: Ideology in Greek Warfare" (pp. 77-86). Contrary to traditional views, HvW argues, an egalitarian hoplite force developed only gradually during a period of over more than two and a half centuries. Only after the Persian Wars might something remotely resembling the romantic image of the middle-class hoplite army be detected. Essentially, however, war strengthened societal divisions within the city and did not contribute to the emergence of more democratic political systems (p. 81).

In these two elegies, the issue of revenge oscillates between the language of (retaliatory) justice and the well-known principle of reciprocity. Starting from the historical context in which these and other poems from the Corpus Theognideum can be placed, the paper suggests hypotheses for the reconstruction of a communicative code used by aristocratics in the VI century. It shows how this code, inscribed in traditional values also echoed in Greek tragedy (namely, Aeschylus' Oresteia)  gradually disappeared in the polis.

Legendary accounts of Rome’s early history are marked by tales of violence between family members. The well-known episodes do not, however, relate to domestic violence as currently understood; rather (where they are not palace intrigue), they are public acts, and are judged in that light. While revelatory neither of the realities of life in the archaic community nor the violence that occurred within the Roman domus, their importance lies in the manner in which the stories were received, revised, and retailed in later eras—and the judgements both implicit and explicit that attached to them. Two themes in particular emerge: the extent to which the public interest (identified with Rome’s inexorable advance) is set at higher value than the pietas and officia associated with the family; and the concomitant heroization of the perpetrators. Finally, the paper highlights an act of domestic violence associated with Rome’s genesis.

Resumen: El presente trabajo tiene el propósito de argumentar que la sátira política en la comedia de Cratino implica la construcción deliberada de un ἐχθρός. Se emplea aquí el término ἐχθρός y no otro-como podría ser κωμῳδούμενος-, entre otras razones porque se va a tratar de demostrar que esta crítica satírica conlleva un sentimiento de "odio/enemistad" (μισεῖν/ἔχθρα) de acuerdo con las conceptualizaciones que Aristóteles realiza acerca de esta emoción. De igual manera, en este trabajo se intentará fundamentar también que detrás de la construcción risible del ἐχθρός subyace una manipulación tendiente a comprometer emocionalmente al espectador cómico con el fin último de involucrarlo en una determinada valoración ética hacia el "ser odiado", hacia su grupo, o hacia lo que estos representan.

Anatolia, 1240 BCE. On the Dardanelles, the city of Troy is besieged by the Achaean army. The greatest of all the Greek heroes stands in the center of this army as well as of the epic war: Achilles. His strength and his anger are legendary, but so are his weaknesses. A bold and fearless warrior: when his fury blazes, the city of Troy is doomed to fall. A journey through the passions, alliances and tragedies, which marked a conflict destined to be remembered forever. Achilles stands out as a tormented hero, ready to sacrifice everything for his thirst for glory. This war and its Hero marked the history of the world forever.

One often reads that emotion terms in other languages
are hard to translate. This is rarely true, though it can be the case
that emotion concepts (like the concept of emotion itself ) are
hard to define. Very few such concepts are simple. They regularly
involve a plurality of scripts, each of which may itself be
instantiated in a range of different ways. But it is not in itself
difficult to deploy the term used to refer to a given script in on
language to translate the term which refers to a similar script in
another. Translation is about function in context. But the attention
to context and function that we require in order to translate
emotion terms well is also a significant feature of the emotion
researcher’s art: it reminds us that emotions are events in time
and space, not undetectable private experiences. They are
contextually embedded and lend themselves to explanation in
narrative terms. Thus, when we use emotion words in our own
languages to translate the terms that name emotion scripts in
other languages we go some way towards understanding what
emotion concepts are.

Computing Greek alphabets; on some recent work Two recent volumes treat in some, or great, detail the record of writing in Greece before 500 BC by using new techniques. I assess here how they stand up against the publishers' blurb regarding the novelty and success of these approaches.

Diese Analyse vergleicht die Unterschiede zwischen dem Robinson-Pierpont
(RP) Text und dem Nestle-Aland 28 (NA28) Text im Johannesevangelium. Die
Analyse erfolgt unter der Prämisse, dass der RP-Text das Original bzw. den Konsens der Überlieferung und der NA28 Text als fehlerhaft angesehen wird. Diese werden im Einzelnen analysiert.

The notion ‘historical Socrates’ is widely used in Socratic studies – mostly in an inappropriate way. Since Olof Gigon, scholars have stopped dealing with the Socrates delivered to us by sources, preferring to put forward hypotheses about the nature and main features of the ‘historical Socrates’. In this short preface, I try to show that such an approach is problematic because the notion of the ‘historical Socrates’ is far from being an objective fact. The ‘historical Socrates' has in fact nothing historical: it can neither be measured nor demonstrated.

Interwar Greece, whose political schism had deeply divided society, witnessed a remarkable display of national unity in Thessaloniki through the solidarity movement of May 1936. A labor dispute involving tobacco workers sparked a series of nonviolent protests, strikes, and demonstrations. Facing the regime's brutal suppressionincluding 12 fatalities and around 30 severe casualtiesthe workers' cause garnered widespread support across social classes, within and beyond the working-class community. However, despite this support, the movement was ultimately quashed by the Metaxas pre-Fourth of August government and failed to achieve its objectives. To date, analyses of the May events in Thessaloniki have predominantly focused on the perspective of Greek male labor activists, examining their successes and failures. This research offers an alternative narrative by exploring the viewpoints of Jewish male and female activists within the Salonikian labor movement. It integrates their gender, ethnic, and cultural interpretations within an innovative theoretical model of civil nonviolent resistance. By blending theoretical elements with primary contemporaneous Greek and Ladino sources, this study not only challenges the prevailing Greek-centric narrative but also illuminates the specific roles and contributions of minority groups during the May events, from the ethnic and gender perspectives.

RESUMO: As tragédias de Sófocles nos mostram, mais do que a coincidência, a colaboração entre a fatalidade divina e a liberdade humana, o que hoje nos parece um paradoxo e um problema filosófico. No entanto, a tragédia grega opera com um repertório de imagens e noções herdadas do pensamento mítico. É na perspectiva dessa forma de pensar que se deve compreender essa inesperada e paradoxal colaboração. Neste estudo, a análise hermenêutica de cada uma das sete tragédias supérstites de Sófocles mostra como a fatalidade divina constitui o fundamento e a condição da liberdade humana.

Plato's story of Atlantis-an advanced island civilization vanishing "in a single day and night"has long hovered between myth and history. Increasingly, scholarly research suggests that this legend may preserve a cultural memory of the Minoan city of Akrotiri on Thera (Santorini) in the Aegean Sea. Around 1600 BCE, a cataclysmic volcanic eruption devastated Santorini, entombing its sophisticated Bronze Age settlement under volcanic ash. Drawing on geology, archaeology, classical texts, and comparative cultural analysis, this paper argues that the sudden destruction of Akrotiri closely parallels Plato's narrative of Atlantis. Once Plato's "9,000 years" is reinterpreted through potential Egyptian lunar-year counting or scribal errors, the Thera eruption date (~1600 BCE) aligns well with the Atlantis timeline. Similarities abound in the archaeological record (multi-story architecture, elaborate drainage, bull-centered religion) and in the ring-like geography caused by Santorini's caldera. While some elements-such as the stated location "beyond the Pillars of Hercules" or the war with ancient Athens-seem more mythical or allegorical, the core scenario of a flourishing maritime power destroyed by a sudden cataclysm fits the Minoan reality. This paper presents a concise synthesis of the evidence, outlines remaining conjectures, and proposes future avenues for underwater exploration and textual research.
Atlantis as Akrotiri: A Refined Multidisciplinary Analysis © 2025 by Erik Kiley is licensed under CC BY-NC 4.0

A partir des œuvres de Cassiodore et d’Ennode de Pavie, cet article étudie successivement les formes, les contenus et les fonctions de la propagande ostrogothique. Nous verrons qu’ils permettent de mieux comprendre la politique de théodoric qui chercha le soutien inconditionnel du clergé catholique et mit en scène une sorte de compétition maîtrisée avec son beau-frère, maniant tour à tour l’admiration, l’étonnement et les conseils afin d’assurer une forme de concordia principum et de renforcer son autorité sur l’Italie chrétienne. Nous pourrons enfin confronter cette propagande anti-franque à l’enthousiasme d’avit de Vienne, le grand évêque du royaume burgonde, qui, au même moment, voyait resplendir dans Clovis « la lumière d’un astre qui n’est pas nouveau », préfigurant d’une certaine manière le tournant historiographique de Grégoire de Tours qui, près d’un siècle plus tard, présente le règne de ce « nouveau Constantin » comme l’avènement de la romanité catholique héritée de l’empire.

Lucia GALLI, 'Three versions of a murder (Metellus Scipio, Cicero, Asconius)' 東京大学大学院人文社会系研究科 西洋古典学研究室 * 1 Cfr. Richardson (1992) 414. * 2 On Bovillae cf. Coarelli (2014) 500-501. * 3 The different hypotheses are discussed by Di Giacomo (2020) 62-63. * 4 Asconius is quoted with reference to page and line in Clark (1907); translations of Asconius come from Lewis (2006), with adaptations. * 5 «The mock-heroic expression derives its humor from the fact that Bovillae was an insignificant place», Berry (forthcoming). * 6 On the date cf. Asc. 30.1 C with Keeline's remarks, (2021) 336. * 7 On the publication of the pro Milone cf. Stone (1980). -Critical editions and com-* 8 Cf. Asc. 42.3-4 C scripsit vero hanc quam legimus ita perfecte ut iure prima haberi possit («the speech we are reading [= the pro Milone] is what he [= Cicero] composed in writing, and with such consummate skill that it may rightly be reckoned his finest»).

Scholars esteem Polyaenus as neither an historian nor a military theorist: 1 he is castigated for not diligently seeking the truth or compared unfavorably to the likes of the periegete Pausanias; 2 others say that he hardly counts as a true Kriegsschriftsteller, and allegedly his mindless collection was a failure as a strategic guidebook. The venerable Johannes Kromayer called Polyaenus' work "wertlos." For Max Jähns, the author of a monumental three-volume Geschichte der Kriegswissenschaften, Polyaenus lacks any true concept of war. In contrast to such harsh judgments, a more favorable view of Polyaenus is possible. The Stragetika, a period piece, closely tied to contemporary themes, events, and major players of the Parthian war of 161-166, should be accepted for what it is, with appreciation of the author's often subtle craftsmanship in exploiting the Zeitgeist. Condemnations of the Strategika as a work of military theory tend to understand neither the genre of the stratagem collection and the larger military doctrine it espoused, nor how Polyaenus, an aged Bithynian rhetor of Macedonian descent, shaped the work for his own immediate ends of seeking patronage. 5 Polyaenus as Kriegsschriftsteller and child of the Second Sophistic are intertwined.

Was bedeutet das ‚Sitzen für immer zur Rechten Gottes‘ im neutestamentlichen Hebräerbrief?
Und was bedeutet dies für die christlich-zionistische Erwartung der ‚Wiederkunft Christi‘ auf die Erde?

ANHANG von Thomas Jettel, Altphilologe und Bibelübersetzer, zu der Untersuchung von Fritz Weber: „Kommt Jesus „als Jude“ zurück? Kritischer Kommentar zu einer „messianisch-jüdischen“ Häresie“ (https://bit.ly/3zQxrvd)

Linteresse per la presenza di motivi folclorici in opere letterarie anche di grande rilievo come la tragedia greca e decisamente cresciuto in anni recenti. Questa attenzione e certo comprensibile se si considera Timpor tanza che essi hanno nella costituzione del racconto tradizionale sul quale si fondano le versioni letterarie. Una storia come quella deU'Alcesti euripi dea, ad esempio, e costruita sulla traccia di un racconto diffuso nel folclore che si era pienamente integrato nel mito greco. Ripreso dai poeta, esso si sviluppa in una trama complessa, dando vita a una serie di situazioni e per sonaggi molto piu elaborati rispetto aH'antico racconto.1 Il riconoscimento e Tesame di questi precedenti sono fondamentali per valutare il significato e la portata dell'operazione compiuta dai poeta. Anche in questo campo di studi si pone quindi il problema del rapporto fra tradizione e innovazione, anche se la natura deU'oggetto in esame impone di comprendere neiranali si dati non appartenenti al mondo greco. E questa una premessa necessaria, che va considerata in tutte le sue implicazioni, in quanto il confronto ha per oggetto elementi non sempre omogenei. Alcuni studi recenti hanno proposto una nuova interpretazione del personaggio di Filottete quale viene presentato nel dramma sofocleo. M. Davies e successivamente P. J. Finglass ritengono che la storia portata sulla scena ricalchi un vero e proprio folk-tale, nel quale i personaggi svolgono ruoli tradizionali. Lo schema interpretativo generale e fornito dalla nota classificazione della Morfologia della fiaba di Propp.2 Secondo questa tesi do vremo giudicare in una prospettiva abbastanza diversa la trama e i perso naggi del dramma sofocleo. Un punto va infatti ribadito fin dairinizio: Tana lisi non si limita a indagare i precedenti del mito e i possibili dati folclorici presenti in esso, ma propone una diversa lettura complessiva della tragedia. Nei tratti del protagonista sarebbe riconoscibile la figura, ben nota dai folclore, deir"uomo selvaggio" ("wild man"): "Now Philoctetes, especially 1 II riconoscimento del ruolo avuto dal folk-tale quale premessa alia trama della tragedia euripidea e gia presente in uno studio giovanile di . Ho trattato questo tema, riesaminando la versione euripidea, in uno studio recente (2005).

The dawn of Islam altered rapidly the balance among monotheistic religions. Their antagonism generated new genres of literature focusing on theological exegesis and polemic argumentation. Following this long tradition, similar texts appeared in the Early Modern Ottoman Empire. Although the aim is to produce argumentation against the thesis of the other side, these texts seldom appear to be in dialogue. However, the Debate held in 1662 between the illustrious leader of the Kadızadeli Vani Mehmed Efendi and the Grand Dragoman Panagiotis Nikousios on Christianity and Islam, is a very rare instance of a face-to-face dialogue. Albeit the banality of their theological points, both sides are very well informed on theology, languages, astronomy and other sciences. The Debate readdresses stereotypes on the Kadızadeli leaders' intellectual depth and depicts the common quests of ottoman Muslims and Christians. Finally, it reconstructs the ottoman intellectual milieu and the production and dissemination of knowledge.

This study offers the first analysis of a hitherto unknown Phanariot miscellaneous codex preserved in the collections of Princeton University Library (MS Gr. 112) that contains anti-Islamic Greek polemical texts. Entitled Sarakēnika, it was produced by the famous Phanariot intellectual and bibliophile Nicholas Karatzas in Constantinople. Taking this codex as a starting point, this paper tackles the larger discussion about the format and genres in which Greek-speaking audiences were informed about Islam, Prophet Muḥammad and the Qur'ān during the Ottoman rule. I argue that Sarakēnika is not a simple miscellany of polemical texts, but it can be considered a Summa Saracenica in which the Phanariot intellectual gathered the most authoritative literary pieces and arranged them according to specific criteria that reflect his encyclopedic approach towards anti-Muslim literature.

This article examines one of the so-called biblical poems by Gregory of Nazianzus, Carm. 1.1.27, which deals with the main parables of Jesus narrated in the synoptic Gospels. The first part of the article (§§ 1-2) presents a general introduction on the historical-literary context and a metrical analysis of the poem. The second part (§§ 3-6) offers a new critical edition of the poem based on the collation of 13 fundamental manuscripts. The third part (§ 7) consists of an exegetical commentary on the poem, which focuses mainly on the relationship between Gregory’s text and the evangelical models.

The mythological narratives, which often preface historical accounts, connect human history to natural history. As well as bridging the gap between the realms of Kulturgeschichte (cultural history) and historiography, such narratives meld the macrocosm of nature with the microcosmic experiences of individual human lives and the collective evolution of societal customs and traditions. This confluence reveals the emergence of foundational societal constructslaws, religion, maritime navigation, family structures, sexual practicesin mythological and historical narratives. These stories, ranging from the ancient to the foundational tales of cities and wars, are interwoven with the broader narrative of the biosphere, thereby underscoring the symbiotic relationship between human civilization and the natural world. Greek and Roman authors frequently juxtaposed their theoretical musings on the origins of life on earth with depictions of the nascent states of human existence, thereby charting the main developments in the evolution of civilization. These preoccupations can arguably be traced back to the Presocratic philosophers and found resonance in the arguments of the Sophists in the 5th century BCE. During this period, the contemplation of prehistory and cultural evolution became prominent in intellectual discourses and poetic compositions. Myths that depicted humanity's emergence from the earth or descent from the heavens served as vehicles in controversies among ancient thinkers regarding the narrative of the human condition. These myths were increasingly supplemented by more detailed accounts of cultural progress, illustrating a shift from mythological to historical discourse.¹ Ancient accounts of the origins of society and early cultural history can be divided into two principal categories. The first is mythological: legends of a 'Golden Note: Drafts of this introduction have benefited from comments by Andrew Laird and Tim Rood. 1 As noted by Marcel Detienne, within the contexts of Greek and Roman culture, a formalized history of culture began to supplant mythological narratives concerning origins (see Detienne 1972).

This book examines the narratives of early cultural history in ancient Greece and Rome, spanning from a macrocosmic outlook to a microcosmic exploration of individual stories, familial dynamics, and societal contexts. The collection investigates the concepts of archaeologies, origins, and antiquities through a multifaceted approach, considering literary, rhetorical, philosophical, historical, and epigraphic viewpoints. Each chapter delves into various aspects of cultural history, encompassing the influence of Homeric scholarship on Thucydides’ ‘Archaeology,’ Plato’s concept of ‘archaeologies’, the interpretation of the past through Hellenistic inscriptions, and the cultural histories of Sallust, Dicaearchus, and Varro. It also discusses the relationship between history, humanity, and the natural world in Lucretius and Seneca, Vergil’s accounts of early human history, the role of families in shaping cultural history, the origins of sexual violence in mythological stories, and the reinterpretation of Roman foundational myths in late antiquity. This volume invites readers to reflect on the ways in which the Greeks and Romans narrated their past, interpreted their origins, and constructed their collective memories.

The essay titled On astrology (περὶ τῆς ἀστρολογίης) in the Lucianic corpus has been the object of contradictory interpretations in the recent scholarly history: disregarded as spurious by many, or a serious text in defense of astrology possibly dedicated to a Stoic patron, a parody of a Ionian philosopher, or a Stoic parody. A crucial step forward is represented by Lightfoot’s study of Lucian’s Ionic, according to which we must accept his authorship of On astrology. In this article I attempt to show that in this short piece we have a parody of an astrological defense—an established subgenre in Lucian’s age—which throughout the majority of the text makes exaggerated use of mythical rationalizations of the type frequently employed in historical works to explain the origin of human practices. Since (a) Herodotus was a paradigmatic case of that practice, (b) because of the Ionic dialect, and (c) considering the kind of parody employed by the writer from Samosata in his other piece in Ionic (On the Syrian goddess) and his frequent practice of strikingly combining different genres in a single work, we can conclude that Lucian also wore the mask of the historian here.

The chapter examines some examples of inscribed documents from the Hellenistic cities, most notably laws and decrees, which lay out actual archaiologiai (taken as local histories) of the communities in which they were enacted. In turn, they also detail a civic history of the community which is inextricably connected to Athens and its legacy. The chapter considers two case studies. First, the republication in Iasos and Troizen of Attic decrees from the Classical age. By republishing these documents relating to the Persian Wars and the Persians in the fifth and early-fourth century, these decrees draw an ancestral history of the city in which Athens plays an important role. Secondly, the chapter canvasses the cultural milieu of a couple of renowned anti-tyrannical laws (from Eretria and Eresos). These laws and their conceptualisation of tyrant killing reveal a close interaction with the Athenian cultural perception of tyranny and the threats it poses (e.g., in Eresos, through the medium of the Peripatetic Phainias). The chapter thus unveils how some crucialpieces of the early Hellenistic documentary record engage with the intellectual elaborations of the past and the cultural primacy of Athens.

Aspects of Ancient Greek Cult II: Architecture – Context – Music is an interdisciplinary and international conference drawing participants from across the fields of Classical Archaeology, Classical Philology, Ancient History, Architecture and Musicology. The purpose of the conference is to foster a joint, trans-disciplinary investigation of aspects of ancient Greek cult.

The keynote speakers are Erik Hansen, Professor emeritus, the Royal Danish
Academy of Fine Arts, School of Architecture, Mark Wilson Jones, Senior
Lecturer in Architecture at the University of Bath and Dominique Mulliez,
former Director of École Française D’Athènes. Final remarks will be delivered by Richard Hamilton, Paul Shorey Professor Emeritus of Greek at Bryn Mawr
College and founder and Senior Editor of the Bryn Mawr Classical Review.

Das Benehmen von Schülern mit Migrationshintergrund wird häufig im Alltag durch ihre ‚Kultur' gedeutet. Genauso wird der relativ niedrige Bildungsstand von Türken in Deutschland durch den Islam erklärt. Was steckt tatsächlich dahinter? Kultur oder Religion? Oder sollte man bei solchen Situationen auch die soziale, wirtschaftliche und politische Lage von Zuwanderern berücksichtigen? Diese und ähnliche Fragen beantwortet Joachim Willems, Theologe und Pädagoge, in seinem neuen Buch.

RESUMO: O artigo propõe uma reflexão sobre a adaptação do mito de Fedra desenvolvido por Eurípides, Sêneca e Racine na peça Phaedra's love de Sarah Kane. Nesse sentido, investiga as formas propostas pela dramaturga britânica na sua releitura do mito em razão dos parâmetros estéticos da contemporaneidade a partir da tradução do original inglês por Pedro Marques. A essência do mito é preservada; porém, é ocultado o pudor de Eurípides, Sêneca ou Racine, imposto pelos contextos grego, romano e clássico francês. A análise das estruturas dramatúrgicas evidencia as diferentes traduções do mito em razão dos diferentes contextos, ou seja, a evolução da tragédia grega à tragédia romana e clássica, até a quebra operada pela forma pós-dramática proposta por Sarah Kane.

suoi interessi di studio sono rivolti all'erudizione e alla grammatica antica, alla tradizione e studio dei classici, in particolare di Cicerone, nella cultura e nella scuola antiche. Organizza da vari anni il Simposio Ciceroniano di Arpino, che raccoglie gli interventi di studiosi italiani e stranieri su tematiche ciceroniane e ha pubblicato numerosi lavori sulla ricezione di Cicerone in epoca antica. Il volume contiene gli Atti del XIII Simposio Ciceroniano, svoltosi nel maggio 2024 in occasione del XLIII Certamen Ciceronianum Arpinas, e raccoglie tre relazioni. La prima, di Alice Borgna, è dedicata alle vicende familiari di Quinto, nipote di Cicerone e di Attico, e ci fornisce uno spaccato delle dinamiche familiari che coinvolgono un giovane su cui pesano i legami sociali e politici fra due importanti famiglie come quelle cui appartengono i suoi due zii. La seconda, di Barbara Del Giovane, ci introduce in un aspetto forse meno noto della personalità dell'Arpinate: l'uso dell'ironia e dell'umorismo, valorizzato nel mondo antico e del quale restano numerose testimonianze. Infine Alfredo Casamento descrive, a partire da un episodio narrato nella IX Filippica, l'importanza che Cicerone attribuisce alle statue onorarie come testimonianza delle virtù civili di un personaggio, destinate, pur nella loro impossibilità di costituire una memoria perenne, a fornire stimolo e impulso all'esercizio di tali virtù.

Ziel und Methodik dieser Untersuchung Der vorliegende Vergleich zwischen dem Mehrheits-bzw. byzantinischen Text (repräsentiert durch die Robinson-Pierpont-Edition, RP) und dem Nestle-Aland 28 (NA28) im Philemonbrief verfolgt das Ziel, aufzuzeigen, dass die sogenannten "kritischen" Lesarten des NA28 häufig auf sekundäre, teils redaktionelle Eingriffe zurückzuführen sind, abgesehen von den bekannten scribal blunders wie h.t., h.a. etc. Dies wird Vers-für-Vers nachgewiesen.

The paper proposes the first edition of 13 marginalia of iological content which are found on the folios of the ms. Par. gr. 2205 (11th cent.) transmitting Paul of Aegina’s chapters on venomous animals (Epitome medica v). Their edition serves the purpose of identifying their source through a textual comparison with both Philumenus’ De venenatis animalibus and Aetius of Amida’s Libri medicinales xiii, the latter being a compilation of the former.

Nota dell'autore L'autore di questo lavoro ha cercato di esplorare il tema della personificazione delle emozioni nell'Odissea di Omero, mettendo in luce come il poeta greco utilizzi la lingua per rappresentare in modo tangibile sentimenti complessi come la nostalgia, il dolore, il desiderio di ritorno (nostos) e la rabbia. La scelta di analizzare il testo in parallelo tra il greco originale e la traduzione italiana si inserisce nell'intento di cogliere la ricchezza semantica e la specificità della lingua omerica. Questo studio è stato condotto sulla base di un'analisi testuale dei passi scelti, con un approccio comparativo, incentrato sulle sfumature linguistiche che rendono le emozioni umane quasi fisiche. La ricerca non solo esamina i meccanismi letterari, ma cerca anche di illuminare il modo

Die erweiterte chronologische Analyse des Hebräerbriefs zeigt ein konsistentes Muster von Auslassungen und Änderungen im NA28-Text im Vergleich zum RP-Text. Diese Varianten betreffen wichtige theologische Konzepte und weisen bestimmte Muster auf:
1. Christologische und soteriologische Abschwächungen:

Auslassung von "durch sich selbst" bei der Sündenreinigung (Heb 1,3)
Auslassung des Titels "Christus" vor Jesus (Heb 3,1)
Umstellung von "Fleisch und Blut" zu "Blut und Fleisch" (Heb 2,13-14)
Auslassung von "nach der Ordnung Melchisedeks" (Heb 7,21)
Änderung von "Priestertum" zu "Priester" (Heb 7,14)
Änderung von "zukünftigen" zu "gekommenen" Gütern (Heb 9,11)
Auslassung des Artikels vor "Christus" (Heb 9,24)
Änderung von "er" zu "dieser" bei Bezugnahme auf Christus (Heb 10,12)
Änderung von "setzte sich" zu "hat sich gesetzt" bei Christi Erhöhung (Heb 12,2)

2. Abschwächung apostolischer Autorität:

Änderung von "meinen Fesseln" zu "den Gefangenen" (Heb 10,34)
Änderung von "wir sind überzeugt" zu "wir lassen uns überzeugen" (Heb 13,18)
Änderung von "euch" zu "uns" im Segen (Heb 13,21)
Änderung von Partizip zu Imperativ bei der Anweisung (Heb 13,7-8)
Auslassung des persönlichen Possessivpronomens "seiner" bei Henoch (Heb 11,5)

3. Abschwächung eschatologischer Dimensionen:

Änderung von "Ende dieser Tage" zu "letzten dieser Tage" (Heb 1,1-2)
Auslassung von "in den Himmeln" bei der christlichen Hoffnung (Heb 10,34)
Vereinfachung des Ausdrucks "Schätze, die in Ägypten waren" (Heb 11,26)
Auslassung des Artikels vor "Land der Verheißung" (Heb 11,9)

4. Veränderung von Kernaussagen über Israel und die Glaubenstradition:

Änderung von "einige haben Gott verbittert" zu "haben nicht alle Gott verbittert?" (Heb 3,16)
Änderung von "er wird erwähnt" zu "er redet" bezüglich Abel (Heb 11,4)
Änderung von "viele" zu "die vielen" bei der Warnung vor Verunreinigung (Heb 12,15)
Änderung von konditionaler zu zweckorientierter Aussage über Züchtigung (Heb 12,7)

5. Abschwächung typologischer Bezüge:

Ersetzung von "Zelt" durch "Bund" (Heb 9,1-2)
Auslassung von "Berg" bei der Sinai-Beschreibung (Heb 12,18-19)
Auslassung von Teilen des alttestamentlichen Zitats (Heb 12,20)
Änderung des Vergleichs zwischen dem Blut Christi und Abel (Heb 12,24)

6. Grammatikalische und stilistische Veränderungen:

Änderung von "wir werden tun" zu "lasst uns tun" (Heb 6,3)
Auslassung von kleinen Partikeln wie "μὲν" (Heb 6,16) oder "τε" (Heb 2,4)
Änderung von Pluralformen zu Singularformen (Heb 10,16-17)
Hinzufügung oder Auslassung von Artikeln (Heb 5,4; 7,1)
Veränderung von Wortstellungen oder Betonungen (Heb 1,1-2)
Orthographische Varianten ohne theologische Bedeutung (Heb 11,34)

7. Signifikante Übereinstimmungen:
Es gibt auch Stellen, an denen beide Texte nahezu oder vollständig identisch sind, wie:
Heb 9,17: Die Beschreibung des Bundes als Testament
Heb 9,28: Die Beschreibung von Christi Wiederkehr
Heb 12,1: Die Aufforderung zum Glaubenslauf

Definició: . Preposició < del mot llatí praepositio, onis, "preposició" < compost de la preposició prae, "davant" + el verb pono, "posar al davant, anteposar": paraula invariable "anteposada a"; les preposicions indiquen relacions sintàctiques entre les paraules d'una oració. En grec: πρόθεσις, εως, ἡ < προτίθημι < compost de la preposició πρό, "davant" + l'arrel θε, "posar" > "posar al davant" . Sembla que totes les preposicions foren originàriament adverbis; tenien, doncs, un significat local del qual en deriven un de temporal i d'altres de figurats com ara causa, mitjà, mode, etc. . El significat d'una preposició resulta de la combinació del seu significat propi més el del cas que regeix. En general, un ac. + prep. indica direcció o el terme d'un moviment; un gen. + prep. origen o punt de partença; un dat. + prep. posició en repòs, instrument, etc.

Definició: . Preposició < del mot llatí praepositio, onis, "preposició" < compost de la preposició prae, "davant" + el verb pono, "posar al davant, anteposar": paraula invariable "anteposada a"; les preposicions indiquen relacions sintàctiques entre les paraules d'una oració. En grec: πρόθεσις, εως, ἡ < προτίθημι < compost de la preposició πρό, "davant" + l'arrel θε, "posar" > "posar al davant" . Sembla que totes les preposicions foren originàriament adverbis; tenien, doncs, un significat local del qual en deriven un de temporal i d'altres de figurats com ara causa, mitjà, mode, etc. . El significat d'una preposició resulta de la combinació del seu significat propi més el del cas que regeix. En general, un ac. + prep. indica direcció o el terme d'un moviment; un gen. + prep. origen o punt de partença; un dat. + prep. posició en repòs, instrument, etc.

Definició: . Preposició < del mot llatí praepositio, onis, "preposició" < compost de la preposició prae, "davant" + el verb pono, "posar al davant, anteposar": paraula invariable "anteposada a"; les preposicions indiquen relacions sintàctiques entre les paraules d'una oració. En grec: πρόθεσις, εως, ἡ < προτίθημι < compost de la preposició πρό, "davant" + l'arrel θε, "posar" > "posar al davant" . Sembla que totes les preposicions foren originàriament adverbis; tenien, doncs, un significat local del qual en deriven un de temporal i d'altres de figurats com ara causa, mitjà, mode, etc. . El significat d'una preposició resulta de la combinació del seu significat propi més el del cas que regeix. En general, un ac. + prep. indica direcció o el terme d'un moviment; un gen. + prep. origen o punt de partença; un dat. + prep. posició en repòs, instrument, etc.