Peace Journalism

La Convención contra la Tortura y Otros Tratos o Penas Crueles, Inhumanos o Degradantes entró en vigor desde 1987. México la firmó y la ratificó de inmediato, igual que ha hecho con prácticamente todos los Mecanismos Internacionales relativos a los Derechos Humanos. En la vida, como en la diplomacia, ‘prometer no empobrece’, y ante los ojos del mundo, me parece que la sagacidad de los funcionarios mexicanos es, simplemente, brillante.

Adolescence is characterized by a variety of changes, which may have substantial implications for the identity, self-definition, and psychological characteristics of adolescents. The wide scope of changes during this developmental stage and the internal reorganization often causes them to develop new thoughts about life and death. This process can gain momentum for them, especially when they are exposed to many stressful events and when their mental well-being is low.

An unexpected Journey with Brother Moji Agha:  Brother Moji is a Sufi monk, poet, and peace activist. He has lived in the United States since the 1970's. He was born in Tehran, Iran, or as many prefer to say, Persia.  At the time we met, he had recently returned from a national speaking tour. Brother Moji casually mentioned 1000+ years aof peace activism in Persia.  The concept of Persia, or Iran, as working for peace is a foreign one to many americans.  In hopes of bridging understanding across cultures, this article documents 1001+ years of peace activism in Iran, also known as Persia.

In April 2017, a one-day seminar was held at the University of Technology, Sydney (UTS) to celebrate more than 25 years of the Australian Centre for Independent Journalism (ACIJ). The ACIJ produced, researched and promoted discussion of journalism from 1991 until it was closed by UTS in early 2017. Although no clear explanation was given for the university’s decision, observers generally agreed that the closure reflected the contemporary pressure on independent public interest activities in Australian universities, which are increasingly driven by financial and corporate needs as a consequence of decades of underfunding.

Freie Beiträge Non-thematic contributions Irina Volf Hizb ut-Tahrir in der Presse II: Eine Exploration der Unterschiede zwischen akademischen Diskursen und redaktionellen Standpunkten in Europa and Zentralasien Hizb ut-Tahrir in the press II: Exploring discrepancies between academic discourses and editorial choices in Europe and Central Asia Dokumentation Documentation Daniel Bar-Tal: "Love your neighbor as yourself" Documentation of an open letter by Prof. circulated an open letter, which is documented in the present edition of conflict & communication online. In this letter, Bar-Tal, considered one of the internationally leading political psychologists, formulated an urgent appeal to end the Israeli Occupartheid policy, which not only continues Israeli injustice to the Palestinians, but also threatens to destroy Israel from within. Since then, everything has gotten even worse: a two-state solution for Israel/Palestine can only bring about peace, if a peace treaty that gu...

The aim of this study was to explore the structures of socially shared representations of the Israel-Palestine conflict among conflict outsiders. The sample included Swiss residents with differing levels of self-positioning and engagement in the conflict (N = 31). We expected a ‘spillover effect’ of conflict representations from parties in conflicted societies to conflict outsiders. To assess these representations, a Q-methodological approach was used. The analysis revealed four distinct conflict representations, labeled as (1) a hawkishreligious pro-Israeli view; (2) a dovish pro-Israeli view; (3) a conciliatory view; and (4) a pro-Palestinian view. These representations provide evidence for a partial spillover of beliefs to conflict outsiders. The study contributes to the literature on discourses about the Israel-Palestine conflict by empirically discovering its socially shared, systematic structures.

A sizable portion of our everyday knowledge about sub-Saharan Africa comes from the work of international news reporters on the continent. The profession of foreign correspondent constituted itself around a group of privileged witnesses of history, often immersed in a mythological aura, but the emergence of digital media has established some tension around a destructuration-restructuration of the journalistic field. The rhetoric of the pro-am revolution signifies the end of an era for international journalism due to the rise of citizen journalism. This research assesses how professional international news reporters are repositioning themselves in a transforming communicative environment, and how they interpret their own occupation and the role of rising actors in the transnational mediasphere.

ในยุคที่การเปลี่ยนแปลงเกิดขึ้นอย่างรวดเร็วในทุกภาคส่วนขององค์กร การพัฒนาทักษะและการส่งเสริมให้บุคลากรสามารถปรับตัวได้เป็นสิ่งสำคัญ กระบวนการเรียนรู้ที่มีความกระตือรือร้นและสามารถเปลี่ยนแปลงมุมมองของผู้เรียนจึงเป็นเครื่องมือสำคัญในการยกระดับประสิทธิภาพของทีมงานและองค์กร โดยใช้เทคนิค facilitation ที่ช่วยกระตุ้นการมีส่วนร่วมและเทคนิค transformative learning ที่มุ่งเน้นการเปลี่ยนแปลงมุมมองและทัศนคติของผู้เรียน
บทความนี้จะช่วยให้ผู้อ่านได้รับแนวทางการออกแบบกระบวนการเรียนรู้ที่ทั้งมีความเป็นวิชาการและเข้าถึงง่าย ด้วยการแนะนำเทคนิคการใช้การ์ด เทมเพลตในการจัดการเรียนรู้ รวมถึงการประเมินผลใน 3 ด้าน ได้แก่
1. ความรู้ที่เปลี่ยนแปลง
2. ทักษะใหม่ที่เกิดขึ้น
3. แรงบันดาลใจในการพัฒนาตนเอง

In April 2017, a one-day seminar was held at the University of Technology, Sydney (UTS) to celebrate more than 25 years of the Australian Centre for Independent Journalism (ACIJ). The ACIJ produced, researched and promoted discussion of journalism from 1991 until it was closed by UTS in early 2017. Although no clear explanation was given for the university’s decision, observers generally agreed that the closure reflected the contemporary pressure on independent public interest activities in Australian universities, which are increasingly driven by financial and corporate needs as a consequence of decades of underfunding.

This work unveils the research trajectory of how digital natives exploit the new media technologies in the context of the uses and gratifications, and technology appropriation theories. A total of 43 scholarly works published between 2010 and 2016 were examined, using the qualitative approach. Findings show a visible trace of creativity exhibited by the indigenes of a digital world, which helped in the gratification of their desire for communication and socialization. Not visible, however, is the relationship between the gratifications sought (GS) and gratifications obtained (GO) as well as the specific new media technologies and platforms or social media applications that helped them to achieve both. This unveiling shows the future directions in the area of digital natives’ disproportionate use of new media technologies and how that affects their academics, amongst other things

Ο εθνικισμός αποτελεί μία από τις ισχυρότερες ιδεολογικές δυνάμεις στη διαμόρφωση της σύγχρονης πολιτικής και κοινωνικής πραγματικότητας. Εμφανιζόμενος κατά την αυγή της νεωτερικότητας, συνδέθηκε με την έννοια της λαϊκής κυριαρχίας και της αυτοδιάθεσης, αξίες που προήλθαν από τις φιλοσοφικές και πολιτικές αρχές του Διαφωτισμού. Η Γαλλική Επανάσταση του 1789 αναδείχθηκε σε κρίσιμο σημείο καμπής για την εξέλιξη του εθνικισμού, μετατρέποντάς τον σε έναν μοχλό κοινωνικής και πολιτικής αλλαγής, ικανό να ανατρέψει κατεστημένες δομές εξουσίας και να προωθήσει την ιδέα της συλλογικής αυτονομίας (Anderson, 1997). Αυτή η ριζοσπαστική καταγωγή προσέδωσε στον εθνικισμό έναν επαναστατικό χαρακτήρα που ενέπνευσε κινήματα για την ανεξαρτησία και τη συγκρότηση εθνικών κρατών κατά τον 19ο αιώνα.
Η σύνδεση του εθνικισμού με τη δημιουργία εθνικών κρατών είχε διττές συνέπειες. Από τη μία πλευρά, έδωσε τη δυνατότητα σε πληθυσμούς να αποκτήσουν πολιτική αυτονομία, προωθώντας την έννοια της συλλογικής ταυτότητας μέσα από την πολιτική κυριαρχία. Από την άλλη, οδήγησε σε συγκρούσεις, αποκλεισμούς και ανταγωνισμούς, καθώς οι έννοιες του έθνους και της πολιτικής αυτοδιάθεσης συχνά συνοδεύονταν από εθνοκεντρικές και ιμπεριαλιστικές τάσεις (Kedourie, 2017). Η ανάδυση εθνικών κινημάτων σε περιοχές της Ευρώπης, όπως η Γερμανία και η Ιταλία, αποτέλεσε χαρακτηριστικό παράδειγμα αυτής της δυναμικής. Ο εθνικισμός, επομένως, λειτούργησε τόσο ως κινητήρια δύναμη αλλαγής όσο και ως εργαλείο εξουσίας, που ενίσχυε την κυριαρχία ορισμένων ομάδων εις βάρος άλλων.

Peraturan mengenai kegiatan penyiaran diatur dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 32 Tahun 2002. Makna penyiaran dalam perundang-undangan ini menurut Media Nusantara Citra sudah tidak sesuai dengan perkembangan zaman dan perlu dikaji ulang sehingga perlu diajukan judicial review kepada Mahkamah Konstitusi. Dalam pengajuan judicial review mengenai makna undang-undang tersebut Mahkamah Konstitusi menolak. Tujuan dari penelitian ini untuk memaparkan kasus gugatan Media Nusantara Citra yang ditinjau melalui analisis yuridis dan mengetahui penyebab penolakan gugatan Mahkamah Konstitusi terhadap judicial review Undang-Undang Penyiaran dengan menggunakan metode pendekatan yuridis normatif melalui pendekatan terhadap dasar hukum utama dan peraturan perundang-undangan mengenai penyiaran. Bahwa pada realitanya masih banyak tayangan di televisi yang tidak sesuai dengan Undang-Undang Penyiaran yang berisi konten-konten tidak layak dijadikan bahan tontonan sehingga memungkinkan untuk terjadinya perubahan isi pasal pada Undang-Undang Penyiaran.

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Indonesia, sebagai negara yang memiliki keragaman suku, agama, ras, dan budaya, menghadapi tantangan besar dalam menjaga harmoni sosial. Keberagaman yang menjadi kekayaan bangsa ini sering kali memunculkan konflik sosial akibat perbedaan kepentingan, ketimpangan ekonomi, hingga kesenjangan sosial. Konflik-konflik tersebut tidak hanya merusak struktur sosial, tetapi juga menimbulkan dampak negatif terhadap stabilitas politik, ekonomi, dan pembangunan nasional. Bab ini akan membahas faktor-faktor penyebab konflik sosial di Indonesia, bentuk-bentuk konflik yang sering terjadi, serta upaya penyelesaian yang dilakukan untuk mengatasi masalah tersebut.

For  the  freedom  of  press  and  expression,  all  people  and  journalists  worldwide  work  with  all  their  might  to  have reasonable freedom of expression and have their voices heard in their countries. They enjoyone of their fundamental rights with this freedom of press and expression. Because of this situation, journalists and the public in Afghanistan constantly  criticize  the  government  that  in  a  democratic  republic,  the  government's  freedom  of  the  press  and  expression  is severely censored. Therefore, this study aims to examine " Development Of Press Freedom In Afghanistan And Freedom Of Expression  In  The  Media  From  Journalists'  Perspective."  Thus,  the  situation  of  the  press  and  freedom  of  expression  in Afghanistan was investigated. Furthermore, the restrictionson press, media censorship andfreedom of expression applied in Afghanistan  were  answered  through  the  research.  This  research  applied  the  qualitative  approach.    The  study  followed  the literature review method. In this context, various books, articles in Pashto, Persian and English languages related to press and freedom of expression, press laws andlaw amendments in Afghanistan were examined and analyzed. The research also has an empirical field section. Interviews were conducted with journalists in Afghanistan to find out the journalists' perspectives on freedom of expression in the media. Afghanistan's freedom of press and expression has been severely censored and suppressed, especially during the Mujahideen and Taliban Islamic Emirate. In the current situation, the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan places more value on the freedom of press and expression. The government's policy towards the press is also lenient, based onthe  principle  of  democracy.  Afghan journalists  are  also  satisfied  with  the  general  policy  of  the  government.  They  are  not satisfied with access to information because some government officials do not provide information on time.

Nigeria's rich religious diversity positions ecumenism as a crucial instrument for fostering peace and unity. Historically marked by interfaith tensions, particularly between Christians and Muslims, Nigeria frequently witnesses violent religious conflicts, undermining national cohesion. Despite numerous interfaith dialogues and peace initiatives, challenges remain in assessing their effectiveness and promoting inclusivity. This study investigates the role of ecumenism, specifically its focus on Christian unity, as a tool for broader interfaith peace-building. The purpose of the study is to explore how ecumenical efforts can address religious conflicts and foster sustainable peace in Nigeria. Using a mixed-methods approach, data collection involved primary sources such as interviews with religious leaders and secondary sources including historical and descriptive analysis of documented peace initiatives. Data analysis involved qualitative content analysis to assess the impact of ecumenism on conflict resolution. The findings reveal that ecumenical movements, when inclusive of religious leaders, civil society organizations, governmental bodies, and international agencies, significantly contribute to conflict resolution and promote peaceful coexistence. The study underscores the need for religious tolerance and an inclusive approach to dialogue, which can foster a more harmonious society. This research highlights the potential of ecumenism to bridge religious divides and recommends that stakeholders at all levels prioritize ecumenical peace-building efforts to achieve long-term stability in Nigeria’s religiously plural society.
Keywords: Ecumenism, peace-building, inter-faith dialogue, religious conflict, Nigeria

Clean skies are proudly azure, When bloodshed of inhuman war is ceased, And peace endure. So says the last poem written by Ukrainian writer Ivan Franko; he desired to end the first world war, but didn't live to see the Peace of Versailles. If he would, he might be disappointed by shortsighted plans of peaceful life written by victors who never seriously considered life without wars and because of that failed to build sustainable peace. Of course, in most places, most of the time, people always live in peace, because peace is the need and natural right of every person and every community, including the people of Ukraine. Restraint, truth and love, good trusting relations for centuries and millennia allowed people to live peacefully on the common planet Earth and in each of its countries, including Ukraine. Peace, rooted in every particle of existence, always surrounds us. Even when we don't notice it. Even when injustice and evil far or near disturb us, cause pain and loss. Faith, care and knowledge allow us to find and strengthen peace within and around us. If it is not strengthened, if past traumas are not healed, the fragile peace can suffer from intentional or unintentional harm to people and nature, from violence against oneself and others. "How countries, burdened by war, desperately want peace! And ignorance learns true values only when they are lost: suffers getting them, doesn't enjoy having them, and is tormented by losing them," wrote Ukrainian philosopher Hryhorii Skovoroda, a self-described "lover and son of peace". At the demands of peace congresses of the world civil society, where Ukraine was also represented, pacifism became the norm of international relations. International organizations were created where you can assemble to council, find help, settle disputes with assistance of objective arbitrators, and find common ground with assistance of benevolent mediators instead of the senseless mass killing that is war. The League of Nations, and then the United Nations, became the foundation of a new world peaceful governance, the leaders of which promised, according to the UN Charter, to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war and to resolve international disputes by peaceful means, or, according to the Constitution of Ukraine, to maintain a peaceful and mutually beneficial cooperation with members of the international community according to generally recognized principles and norms of international law.

memunculkan diskursus yang signifikan mengenai hubungan antara kebebasan berpikir, kebebasan berekspresi, dan demokrasi. Demokrasi sejatinya menempatkan kebebasan individu, terutama kebebasan berpendapat, sebagai landasan utama untuk membangun pemerintahan yang transparan, inklusif, dan akuntabel. Dalam hal ini, pengaturan dalam ketiga pasal tersebut menimbulkan beberapa pertanyaan kritis.

In this article, we analyze the perception of Brazilians about climate change, in particular the factors that influence their view on the topic. To this end, a statistical analysis of data from a national survey was carried out, implemented through home interviews, with a representative sample of the Brazilian population. The data shows that most Brazilians believe that climate change is happening (91%) and, among these, that it is mainly caused by human action (86%) and that it could harm the next
generations (average 9.11 on a scale of 0 to 10). It is also clear that the denial of climate change is influenced not only by sociodemographic factors, but also by dimensions associated with values, such as the perception of gender parity and State interference in the market.

A dominant monitorial reporting method means that journalism shines a spotlight on officials’ activities, plans, and statements.While this reporting method has brought official wrongdoing to light, monitorial reporting has also participated in amplifying, emphasizing, and normalizing problematic official definitions that neglect structural factors contributing to persistent issues of marginalization. Using qualitative textual analysis, this study articulates a grounded alternative called a solidarity reporting method for covering marginalization. A solidarity reporting method means that journalism prioritizes marginalized people’s definitions, shared conditions, and ongoing struggles—which may challenge the definitional parameters that officials attempt to set. A case study of a 2016 journalistic collaboration called theSan Francisco Homeless Project demonstrates how a solidarity reporting method enriches journalism on homelessness by representing the firsthand observations and perspectives of people subjected to social injustice, and accounting for structural conditions. Solidarity reporting helps advance journalism’s pursuitof truth.

He is the founder and acting president of Media Development Center, Tunis. He is furthermore the founder and editor-in-chief of Arab Journalism Observatory (AJO), partner of European journalism Observatory (EJO). In his career he held positions like DG of the African Center for the Training of Journalists and Communicators (CAPJC). Academic fields of interest and expertise: Media regulation, media law, media accountability, the right to access to information, media and human rights.

Based on traditional peace communication scholarship, this study, embedded in journalism studies and visual politics literature, analyzes photographs of conflict using war and peace frames and explores the role social media can play in digital peacebuilding practices. A content analysis of 674 visuals of the second deadliest terrorist attack in Pakistan posted on Twitter revealed the dominance of war photographs. The majority of the visual tweets were related to the afflicted victims and the visiting elites. Our analysis revealed that the visual narrative predominantly adopted a war approach. Results also showed significant variations in the war and peace narrative over time. Overall, this study challenges the views of peace journalism scholars that social media would lead to a more peace-oriented approach. We argue that peace narratives may be difficult to occur on digital platforms in securitized national conflicts where elites and a dominant public opinion oppose alternative perspectives.

YILDIRIM, İpek. (2022). "Barış Gazeteciliğinin Doğuşunda ve Gelişiminde Uluslararası Sistemin Durumu", İletişim ve Medya. Ed: Aslı Yapar Gönenç ve Gülsün Bozkurt. Der Yayınları. p.47-60.

- The Situation of the International System in the Emergence and Development of Peace Journalism -

This study is founded on the contention that the principles advocated by the United Nations' Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are in alignment with the orientations of Peace Journalism (PJ). Given this context, the paper explores the extent of applying the PJ orientations by Facebook users in their comments on international media coverage (CNN, BBC, New York Times (NYT), and The Guardian) of the China-Taiwan dispute. A total of 594 comments were selected and analyzed during the period before the controversial visit of former White House Speaker Nancy Pelosi to Taiwan on August 2, 2022. Based on the PJ model, framing theory, and quantitative content analysis methods, the study found that Facebook users intended to use PJ frames significantly while commenting on the news coverage of Pelosi’s visit to Taiwan. The inclusion of PJ frames recorded (31.5%), (31.9%), (26.5%), and (25.8%) in the Facebook comments posted in response to CNN, BBC, NYT, and The Guardian coverage respectively. The findings also show that the Solution frame dominated the PJ frames in the comments extracted from CNN’s (78.4%), BBC’s (53%), NYT’s (69.4%), and The Guardian’s (78.3%) Facebook accounts.

Since the advent of the new media, several individuals across the globe have joined the bandwagon; thus, employing new media technologies in their daily activities. Some Nigerians are now using the social media platforms to not only stay in touch with their friends, loved ones and colleagues, but to publish or air their views on major developments in the society. Employing the survey methodology, this study explored the rise of hate and peace journalism in the Nigerian democratization process as it relates to the new media. The area of study is Enugu South local government area of Enugu state. A sample size of 300 was studied. The findings of this study indicated that Nigerians have not only embraced the new media as a political platform for information consumption but for disseminating information by themselves (citizen Journalism). The findings also proved that the new media were used more for disseminating hate speeches than advocating for peace in the 2015 general elections. The...

Herman & Chomsky (1988) have developed a propaganda model to explain why some subjects are preferably dealt with by the news media whereas no attention is paid to others. An essential criterion for this is the usefulness of a topic. Herman & Chomsky, therefore, refer to "worthy" und "unworthy victims": victims of national or international violence, whose torments, though comparable from an objective point of view, are useful as a weapon against an actual enemy in one case, while they are useless, and hence devoid of interest, in another. If responsibility for violence lies in one's own sphere of influence, any reporting on its victims would be unfavorable to one's national interest. According to Herman & Chomsky, reporting on worthy and unworthy victims differs with respect to the presentation and the support of reproaches towards the perpetrators as well as with respect to the featuring of their actions and their victims. In order to test this conjecture, the present paper applies the Latent Class Analysis to a content analytical study of German newspaper reports on allied pilots shot down during the Gulf War. Taken prisoner by Iraq and presented publicly by Iraqi television, those pilots can be considered a typical example of worthy victims: the Western news media presented them as proof of torture and maltreatment of prisoners and used them as instruments for legitimizing allied war objectives beyond the liberation of Kuwait.

The spectrum of peace journalism Kurzfassung: Eine der größten Hürden, denen sich der Friedensjournalismus gegenübersieht, ist die Vagheit seiner Definition. Der vorliegende Aufsatz schlägt daher ein Verständnis des Friedensjournalismus vor, das sich in einem Spektrum zwischen passivem und aktivem Friedensjournalismus bewegt. Auf Grundlage einer Durchsicht der bisherigen Literatur integriert der Aufsatz die geläufigen Theorien in ein übergreifendes Konzept und plädiert für dessen Übernahme und Weiterentwicklung. Abschließend werden potentielle Vorteile, Nachteile und Kritik des unterbreiteten Vorschlages diskutiert.

Photoessay: A unique feature of Pacific Journalism Review, compared with many other journalism and media research journals, has been a particular focus on photography and documentary. Contributors have been eclectic and varied, ranging from activist photojournalist John Miller (Ngapuhi), who charted the new wave of Māori assertiveness from the first Nga Tamatoa protest at Waitangi in 1971 and who offered a research portfolio on the Ngatihine Land/ Forestry legal dispute in Northland Aotearoa, to Ben Bohane's 'Melanesian mythical places with unreported conflicts', to Kasun Ubayasiri's 'Manus to Meanjin' study of refugee migration, to Filipino Fernando G. Sepe's stunning but shocking portrayal of President Rodrigo Duterte's extrajudicial 'war on drugs' (in reality a 'war on poverty'), through to Todd M. Henry's Tongan 'Gangsters in Paradise' and the realm of kava in New Zealand. At least a dozen portfolios have been published by the journal and this article examines and reflects on some of the highlights. The photoessay is completed with a portfolio of protest photographs from the seven months of Israel's War on Gaza.
https://ojs.aut.ac.nz/pacific-journalism-review/article/view/1360

O enfrentamento à pandemia da Covid-19 não está somente em medidas como o isolamento social e investimento massivo na saúde pública, mas também no combate a notícias falsas e discursos que minimizam a seriedade da doença. Nos EUA, o discurso populista do presidente Donald Trump, que muitas vezes contraria as recomendações da Organização Mundial da Saúde, pode estar refletindo nas estatísticas da doença, visto que é o país com os maiores números de contaminados e de mortes. Sabendo que uma das principais consequências do discurso populista é a polarização de opiniões, este artigo tem como objetivo verificar a formação da opinião pública sobre a Covid-19 nos EUA a partir dos posicionamentos de Trump. Parte-se da hipótese de que a polarização gerada pelo populismo de direita do presidente está afetando a forma como as pessoas reagem às medidas de restrição, criando opiniões divergentes sobre a gravidade do novo coronavírus. Os dados analisados demonstram uma polarização mais do que política entre os dois grupos, tendo efeitos sobre como os dois grupos percebem a pandemia de Covid-19.

The study examines the relationship between political communication, social media use, and engagement in political participation in Lagos State, Nigeria. Employing a mixed-methods approach involving a literature review, focus group discussions, and structured interviews, the paper found that social media platforms such as Twitter, Facebook, and WhatsApp are increasingly used by citizens to engage in political discussions, share information, and organise collective action. Furthermore, younger and lower-income citizens were found to be more likely to engage in political discussions on social media. The study also revealed that rural citizens are less likely to feel empowered to express their political views on social media. Based on these findings, the paper offers several recommendations for political parties and civil society organisations, including targeting younger and lower-income citizens through social media campaigns, and launch WhatsApp groups in rural areas to engage citizens in political discussions. The study also highlights the potential of digital technologies as tools for promoting political participation and engagement in developing democracies, and suggests the future research on the study should adopt a multidisciplinary and intersectional approach. Overall, the paper contributes to the existing literature on political communication and engagement in Lagos State and provides a roadmap for addressing the challenges and opportunities facing democratic participation in Nigeria. In conclusion, the paper underscores the importance of adopting a multidisciplinary and intersectional approach to understanding political communication and engagement in Lagos State, and other similar contexts. By exploring the different groups of citizens, researchers can gain a deeper understanding of the factors that shape political participation and engagement, and identify strategies for promoting democratic values and practices. Furthermore,

For almost a quarter of a century, the December 1975 Indonesian invasion and subsequent occupation/annexation of Timor-Leste were a news media “blind spot” (Leadbeater, 2008, p. 168; Perrottet and Robie, 2011; Robie, 1989, 1992, 2014, 2021)—largely out of the public consciousness in New Zealand and among Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) member nations despite some of the territory’s leaders’ close relationship with Australia and a significant Timorese diaspora in that country.
During the period of Indonesian control, which defied the United Nations Security Council’s persistent recognition of Portugal’s sovereignty over Timor-Leste as legitimate colonial power until the latter finally won independence in 2002, international media had little access to the region. Chapter 2, published in "Waves of Change Media, Peace, and Development in the Pacific", edited by Shailendra Singh, Biman Prasad and Amit Sarwal.
https://kulapress.com.au/

Mitigating the risk of violent conflict and building peace in Nigeria involves established principles that promote peace through formal and informal institutions of learning. Peace education policy contains the key principles of reducing the risk of violent conflict and building a culture of peace. This paper aims at promoting peace education policy as a solution to mitigate the risk of violent conflict and peacebuilding in Nigeria. Qualitative research and content analysis of publications were carried out for this research. This paper affirms that one of the causes of violent conflict in Nigeria was found to be associated with violent education acquired and accepted by aggrieved individuals and groups as a means to achieve their social, political and economic goals. Ignorance of these victimized groups on how to wage conflict through nonviolent methods caused them to see violence as a means of fighting injustices in the society. This paper also supports that peace education plays several roles in alleviating violence and building peace in Nigeria. The analysis further suggests that the formulation and implementation of peace education policy is key in supporting efforts from the government, non-governmental organizations, and peacebuilders in alleviating risks to human security and building peace in Nigeria for sustainable development.

Bu noktada söylenebilecek en önemli unsur, yaşanan soykırımın kendisine dair öfkemizi, kavgamızı, ideolojik ve siyasi duruşumuzu ortaya çıkarmadan önce bir gerçeğe sadakat prensibini öne çıkartarak “ne oluyor” sorusuna cevap verebilecek bir mesleki çabayı bekleme hakkımızın olduğudur. Bu bağlamda medya profesyonellerine bir sorumluluk yüklememizin ve onlardan bu beklentimizi yüksek sesle dile getirmemizin gerektiğini düşünüyorum. Habercilik çerçevesinde olup biteni aktardıktan ve öğrendikten sonra bu sefer “peki bundan ne anlamalıyız?”, “Bizim duruşumuz ne olmalıdır?” soruları ile bir tartışma ve yorumlama aşamasına geçebiliriz.

Tartışma boyutunu, kanaat belirtme boyutunu ve siyasi ideolojik kavgamızı
yürütme kısmını ikinci aşamaya taşırsak sadece kaç insanın, kaç çocuğun
öldürüldüğüne dair rakamlar üzerinden hikâyeyi takip etmemiş oluruz. Bu
olaylar gerçekleşmeden önce on binlerce çocuk ve kadının içinde bulunduğu,
savaşın parçası olmayan ve savaşamayacak yaşlardaki insanların katliamıyla
sonuçlanacak pratiğin belki önüne geçebilecek bir farkındalık oluşturulur.
Çünkü bizim habercilik pratiğimiz şu anda öldürülen gazeteci sayısı, öldürülen çocuk sayısı, öldürülen kadın sayısı üzerine yürüyor. Sonuçlar üzerinden bir habercilik yapılıyor ve sonuçlar ortaya çıktığında da biz sanki olay o anda gerçekleşmiş gibi bir refleksle hareket ediyoruz.

Bu tarz bir sorundan dolayı biraz hafıza kavramını öne çıkarttığım iki
başlıkla belki biraz daha sistematik olabilecek bir hususu paylaşayım. Önleyici
haberciliği bu anlamıyla sonuçlardan önce, ağır sonuçlar ortaya çıkmadan
önce fikrî takiple olup bitenin bilgisini, bu bilgiyi toplayıp aktarmayı kendisine meslek edinmiş, hayatını bundan kazanmış ve kazanmaya devam eden kurumların, kuruluşların ve o işi yapan profesörlerden beklentimiz olarak gündeme taşımamız lazım. İkincisi, haberi ve haberciliği sadece bir meslek alanı olarak görmeyip meseleyi daha genel çerçevede görmek açısından medyaya yüklediğimiz anlamı konuşmamız lazım. Bu noktada on dokuzuncu yüzyıldan bu yana 200 yıldır bu coğrafyada ve dünya genelinde bir düzen arayışımız var. Yani on dokuzuncu yüzyılın sonu yirminci yüzyılın başlarında yerleşik düzenlerin yapısının bozulup dağıldığı dönemde İsrail’in kurulmasına giden süreçte başlatılan ve yerleşimci sömürgeciliğin yeni bir versiyonu olan, devamında da soykırıma dönüşün İsrail’in Filistin’i işgali meselesini içinde bulunduğu bu düzen arayışında medyayı nerede nasıl konumlandırdığımızın üzerinde durmamız önemli. Bu süreçte biz medyayı, kavgamızı yürütebileceğimiz mecra, sesimizi dünyaya duyurabilecek bir kavga aracı olarak gördük. Bu tarihsel tecrübenin önümüze koyduğu meydan okumalardan biri de haberciliği bir mesleki faaliyet veya bir meslek pratiği olarak görerek üzerine çok da kafa yormamamızdır. Bu anlamıyla da medya niçin var ve ne işe yarar soruları için bir cevaba ihtiyacımız var.

This study analyses the visual coverage of the 2022 Russian-Ukrainian conflict on Asian news sites, utilising the frameworks of war and peace journalism. Conducting a content analysis of 397 images from seven leading Asian news sites, we contribute to the literature on visual coverage, particularly from online platforms. Our analysis identifies the predominant visual narratives employed by these news sites and offers insights into variations in coverage intensity, regional and ethnic focuses, portrayal of age groups, and depiction of harm. The study extends the understanding of framing theory by analysing visual frames, providing valuable implications for future visual studies and contributing to a deeper understanding of conflict portrayal in online news media.

Söyleşi / Interview Hediyetullah Aydeniz: Merhaba. Akademik ve entelektüel birikimlerimizi paylaştığımız Müktesebat Toplantıları isimli dizimizin devamı olarak kapalı devre yayın şeklinde gerçekleştirdiğimiz Ortadoğu'yu Haberleştirmek: Önleyici Bir Habercilik Mümkün Müdür? başlıklı yeni bir toplantı dizisi başlattık. Bu çerçevede dizinin ilk oturumunu Fatih Er, ikincisini El Cezire'den Rasul Serdar Ataş ile yaptık. Üçüncüsünde ise NTV'den Mete Çubukçu ile devam ediyoruz. * Medya Okuryazarlığı Araştırmaları Dergisi'nin çevrimiçi düzenlediği Müktesebat Toplantıları kapsamında "Ortadoğu'yu Haberleştirmek: Önleyici Bir Habercilik Mümkün Müdür" başlıklı 27 Aralık 2023 tarihli oturumun deşifre edilmiş metnidir. Söyleşinin deşifre edilmesinde Kanime Bektaş'a, metnin düzenlemesi için de Yunus Ergen ve Tuğba Aydeniz'e teşekkür ederiz.

Spring 2017 64 pages + 2 attachments This research seeks to analyse the informal processes of peace in post-independence South Sudan. Through using conflict transformation and the local turn in peacebuilding as theoretical frameworks, this research seeks to engage with the local narratives of peace. Furthermore, it seeks to investigate the relationship between local agency and international involvement in building sustainable peace processes. With interview data collected from South Sudanese youth activists by Crisis Management Initiative (CMI) in cooperation with local partners, this research hopes to contribute both to the emerging literature on critical peace studies and to the understanding of contemporary conflict dynamics in South Sudan. In the analysis, the empirical data was conceptualised through narratives of peace. These narratives of peace bring forth a strong local agency and are in line with many of the central ideas of conflict transformation. These ideas include the idea of positive peace (in opposition to peace as absence of violence) and the understanding of the long time-span of the work. These narratives seem to also parallel some other central discourses of international development, which posit the civil society in a moderate form of associational cooperation. As a result, the narratives depart from conflict transformation precicely in terms of the transformation. South Sudanese youth civil society actors do not acknowledge the central idea of (non-violent) conflict and constructive criticism as enablers of societal development. Simultaneously the narratives line the local agency mainly in terms of local communities creating an image of a civil society vacuum in the national scope. Based on the findings, it can be argued that the first months of independence in South Sudan witnessed an unstable and volatile society. The long history of violence and insecurity was still strongly embedded in the narratives and this led the interviewees to identify their role as bringers of peace and negotiators of more peaceful relationships between different groups in their communities. The narratives also highlighted the strong agency of the local youth as well as their attempts to improve their own expertise. If supported, this agency could support future attempts at conflict transformation towards a sustainable and peaceful society, where civil society functions also as a critical actor challenging national public debate and politics.

Even human-rights activists have been plagued by doubts in recent decades: Isn’t the claim that all humans are endowed with certain inalienable rights just a mask the West uses as it seeks to impose its values on other cultures? The critics—from Muslim fundamentalists to postmodernist academics in the West—have a point, argues Ignatieff, director of the Carr Center for Human Rights at Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government. But it’s not the one they think they have. “Rights discourse is individualistic,” he says. “But that is precisely why it has proven an effective remedy against tyranny, and why it has proven attractive to people from very different cultures.” Setting basic standards of “human decency” empowers the powerless. The push for human rights has not come exclusively from the West, Ignatieff points out. Though the West took the lead in drafting the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, representatives of Islamic and other nonP r e s s & M e d i a

Peace journalism replaced the dominant war journalism due to the prevalence of propaganda in the era of World Wars and the Cold War. The need has emerged to replace, refine, reconstruct, and improve the role and reputation of journalism after serving as a part of the propaganda apparatus and being complicit in propaganda and war chaos. A transition of the role of Journalists was required to be shifted from propagandists and pro-war to peacemakers. The media coverage of peace and war influences the public on their way of thinking, thus contributing to fuelling or resolving tension and conflicts. This study explores the news stories of the New Straits Times (NST) on peace and war journalism on the two Palestinian Presidents. Framing theory is used in this study. To achieve the research objectives of this study, a content analysis was employed on the newspaper's coverage for a total of 21 years from 1996, since the first Palestinian General Election was held until coverage declined in 2016. A total of 335 news stories were found in NST about the two Palestinian Presidents regarding peace and war journalism. The peace stories figured 97.9% compared to 2.1% for war stories. The results revealed that President Arafat used both peace and war approaches compared to President Abbas who only used the peace approach. The coverage of NST reflected its support for peace and solution initiatives rather than war and conflict.

and graduated from the University of Melbourne (Hons. Political Science) and Russian and the ANU (Asian studies with a special focus on Indonesian language, politics, and history). For more than 30 years, he was a government official specializing in the field of international relations: first as a defense analyst, specializing on Indonesia, then a diplomat, serving first in Portuguese Timor as consul, then as West European desk officer, followed by postings to Paris and Moscow, where for a brief period he served as Chargé d'Affaires. During this time he spent periods in other Eastern European countries, including Yugoslavia, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and Poland.

Spor, kuralları önceden belirlenmiş, maddi bir kar amacı güden
ya da sadece eğlence amaçlı, sonucunun çoğu zaman önemli olduğu, araçlı ya da araçsız, bireysel ya da takım olarak yapılan, doğayla ya da başkalarıyla rekabet içeren, fiziksel ve zihinsel yeteneklerin kullanıldığı meslek ya da ilgi alanı olarak tanımlanabilir (Üney, 2017: 11). Günümüzde ise spor, popüler kültürün ve kapitalizmin önemli bir aracı olması nedeniyle sadece spor olmanın ötesinde anlamlara ve motivasyonlara sahiptir. Günümüzde görünümü değişen sporun ayrımcı yaklaşımların üretildiği bir alan haline geldiğini söylemek abartılı bir ifade olmaz.
Özellikle kadınlara yönelik ayrımcı söylemin spor medyasındaki karşılığı rahatlıkla görülebilir düzeydedir. Toplumsal olarak inşa edilen rol kalıpları çerçevesinde toplumsal cinsiyete ilişkin belirli tanımlamalar yapılmaktadır. Bu tanımlamalar da medya dolayımıyla yeniden inşa edilmekte ve belli anlamlar doğallaştırılmaktadır. Kadın sporcuların yer aldığı haberlerde, toplumsal cinsiyet vurgusuna baktığımızda toplumsal cinsiyet rollerinin ve “zorunlu heteroseksüelliğin” baskın olduğunu söyleyebiliriz.
Türkiye kadın milli voleybol takımı oyuncusu Ebrar Karakurt, Ağustos 2021 tarihinde sosyal medya hesabı üzerinden partneri ile fotoğrafını paylaştıktan sonra homofobik linçe maruz kalmıştır. Akabinde #EbrarKarakurtYalnızDeğildir etiketi ile sosyal medyada büyük bir destek kampanyası başlamıştır. Türkiye Voleybol Federasyonu da bu süreçte milli sporcuyu desteklemiştir. Ebrar Karakurt, hakkında çıkan haberlerden sonra Dünya Şampiyonası’nda aldığı “En İyi Smaçör” ödülünü, sosyal medya hesabından Athena grubunun «Ben Böyleyim» isimli şarkısıyla paylaşmıştır.
Bu çalışmada Ebrar Karakurt örneği üzerinden spor basınında toplumsal cinsiyetin nasıl temsil edildiği, hangi söylemlerle kurulduğu, nefret söyleminin ve hak ihlallerinin nasıl yaygınlaşarak doğallaştırıldığı üzerinde durulmaktadır. Bu amaçla farklı ideolojik bakış açılarını yansıttığı düşünülen Yeni Akit, Hürriyet ve Birgün gazetelerinin internet sayfalarında yer alan, Ebrar Karakurt’un sosyal medya hesabından yaptığı paylaşımlarla başlayan ve sporcunun cinsel eğilimi nedeniyle hedef haline getirilmesi sürecini kapsayan 2021-2023 tarihleri arasındaki haberler seçilerek tematik analiz ile incelenmiştir. Yeni Akit gazetesinden 13 habere, Hürriyet gazetesinden 6 habere, Birgün gazetesinden 11 habere olmak üzere toplam 30 habere ulaşılmıştır. Ulaşılabilen bu haberler üzerinde nitel analiz gerçekleştirilmiştir. Nitel analizde haberin tematik yapısı, kurulan karşıtlıklar ve kullanılan sözcüklere bakılmıştır.